- HISTORY
- By John P. Schmal
-
- The Mexican
state of Oaxaca, located along the Pacific Ocean in the
southeastern section of the country, consists of 95,364 square
kilometers and occupies 4.85% of the total surface area of the
Mexican Republic. Located where the Eastern Sierra Madre and the
Southern Sierra Madre come together, Oaxaca shares a common border
with the states of Mexico, Veracruz and Puebla (on the north),
Chiapas (on the east), and Guerrero (on the west).
As the fifth largest state of Mexico, Oaxaca is characterized by
extreme geographic fragmentation. With extensive mountain ranges
throughout the state, Oaxaca has an average altitude of 1,500
meters (5,085 feet) above sea level, even though only about 9% of
this is arable land. With such a large area and rough terrain,
Oaxaca is divided into 571 municipios (almost one-quarter of the
national total).
Oaxaca's rugged topography has played a significant role in giving
rise to its amazing cultural diversity. Because individual towns
and tribal groups lived in isolation from each other for long
periods of time, the subsequent seclusion allowed sixteen
ethnolinguistic groups to maintain their individual languages,
customs and ancestral traditions intact well into the colonial era
and – to some extent – to the present day.
Although Oaxaca’s ethnic groups are well-defined through dialect,
customs, food habits, and rituals, the historian María de Los
Angeles Romero Frizzi has suggested that the simplistic
“linguistic categorization” of the ethnic groups is “somewhat
misleading,” primarily because “the majority of indigenous peoples
in Oaxaca identify more closely with their village or their
community than with their ethnolinguistic group.”
For this reason, Oaxaca is – by and large – the most ethnically
complex of Mexico’s thirty-one states. The two largest linguistic
groups in this large collection are the Zapotec and Mixtec
Indians, whose roots stretch very deeply into the early
Mesoamerican era of Oaxaca. Living in their mountain enclaves and
fertile valleys, many of their pre-Hispanic ancestors harvested
corn, beans, chocolate, tomatoes, chili, squash, pumpkin and
gourds. Some of the early inhabitants also hunted turkey, deer,
armadillo and iguana or fished in Oaxaca’s many ocean-bound
streams and rivers.
It is no surprise that the Mixtecs and Zapotecs were neighbors as
they both belong to the Oto-Manguean language family, which
remains the largest linguistic group in the state of Oaxaca and in
the Mexican Republic, represented by approximately 174 languages
(according to Ethnologue.com). The author Nicholas A. Hopkins, in
his article “Otomanguean Linguistic Prehistory,” states that
glottochronological studies of the Oaxacan Indian groups indicate
that the first diversification of this group of languages had
begun by 4400 B.C. It is believed that nine branches of the
Oto-Manguean family were already distinct by 1500 B.C., and that
some of this linguistic differentiation actually took place in the
Valley of Tehuacán.
These two groups are not only the largest indigenous groups within
this part of Mexico; they also exhibit a wide range of diversity
within their own ethnic populations. Ms. Romero has observed that
some of Oaxaca’s language families – including the Zapotec and
Mixtec tongues – “encompass a variety of regional languages,
making for a more diverse picture than the number sixteen would
suggest.”
By the time the Spaniards arrived in the Valley of Oaxaca in 1521,
the Zapotec and Mixtec inhabitants of this large mountainous
region had split into hundreds of independent village-states. The
Zapotec ethnic group is so diverse that there are actually 64
separate Zapotec languages that have evolved over the last few
thousand years, each language diverging as the Zapotec communities
became isolated from one another over time. The Mixtec ethnic
group is also very diverse, speaking approximately 57 different
languages.
Most archaeological evidence indicates that the Zapotecs were one
of the earliest ethnic groups to gain prominence in the region now
called Oaxaca. The Zapotec Indians have always called themselves
Be'ena'a, which means “The People.” The implication of this
terminology is that the Zapotecs believe that they are “The True
People” or “The people of this place.” Unlike many other
Mesoamerican Indians groups, the Zapotecs have no legend of
migration from another land. Instead, their legends claim that
their ancestors emerged from the earth or from caves, or that they
turned from trees or jaguars into people.
Some of the Zapotecs eventually became known as the Be'ena Za'a
(Cloud People), a name primarily applied to the Central Valley
Zapotecs. In the pre-Hispanic era, Aztec merchants and soldiers
dealing with these people translated their name phonetically into
Náhuatl: Tzapotecatl. When the Spaniards arrived, they took this
word and transformed it into Zapoteca. The Mixtecs, the sister
culture of the Zapotecs, also received their “Aztec” name due to
their identity as “Cloud People” (Ñusabi), but in their case the
Náhuatl translation was literal, as Mixtecatl translates directly
as “Cloud Person.”
The early Zapotecs were a sedentary, agricultural city-dwelling
people who worshipped a pantheon of gods. In their art,
architecture, hieroglyphics, mathematics, and calendar, the
Zapotecs appeared to have shared some cultural affinities with the
ancient Olmec and the Mayan Indians. The Zapotec culture developed
in the mountainous area at and near Monte Albán, roughly parallel
to the Olmec civilization, which was in decline as the Zapotecs
were in ascendance. The Zapotecs developed a calendar and a basic
form of writing through carvings. By 200 B.C. the Zapotecs were
using the bar and dot system of numerals used by the Maya.
Politically and militarily, the Zapotec Indians became dominant in
the area around 200 B.C., extending their political and economic
influence into the coastal regions and establishing valuable
trading links with the Mayans to the south. Sometime between the
third and eighth centuries A.D., the Zapotec culture peaked.
However, soon after, the Mixtecs began to dominate the region,
displacing the Zapotecs in many areas.
Located above the Valley of Oaxaca, six miles away from the
capital city, the Zapotec ceremonial center, Monte Albán, was
built in a mountain range overlooking great valleys and remains
one of the most majestic of the sites of Pre-Historic Mexico. This
architectural wonder is a complex of pyramids and platforms
surrounding an enormous esplanade, where there is also an
extraordinary astronomical observatory. Monte Albán was dedicated
to the cult of mysterious gods and to the celebration of the
military victories of the Zapotec people.
The pinnacle of Monte Albán's development probably took place from
250 A.D. to 700 A.D., by which time Monte Albán had become home to
some 25,000 people and was the capital city of the Zapotec nation.
For reasons still not entirely clear, the site was gradually
abandoned after A.D. 700.
Some archaeologists have suggested that the decline of Monte Albán
may have taken place because local resources of wood had become
depleted and that its once-fertile slopes had become barren.
However, the Zapotec culture itself continued to flourish in the
valleys of Oaxaca and the Zapotecs moved their capital to Zaachila.
From about 950 to the arrival of the Spanish in 1521, there was
minimal life at Monte Albán, except that Mixtecs arriving in the
Central Valleys between 1100 and 1350 reused old tombs at the site
to bury their own dignitaries.
The Mixtecs originally inhabited the southern portions of what are
now the states of Guerrero and Puebla. However, they started
moving south and eastward, eventually making their way to the
Central Valley of Oaxaca. In their newly adopted land, the Mixtecs
became prolific expansionists and builders, gradually encroaching
onto the territories of the Zapotecs. But, the Mixtecs' prominence
in the Valley of Oaxaca was short-lived.
By the middle of the Fifteenth Century, a new power appeared on
the horizon. The Aztec Empire, centered in Tenochtitlán (now
Mexico City), was in the process of building a great empire that
stretched through much of what is now southern Mexico. In the
1450s, the Aztec armies crossed the mountains into the Valley of
Oaxaca with the intention of extending their hegemony into this
hitherto unconquered region.
Soon, both the Zapotecs and Mixtecs would be struggling to keep
the Aztecs from gaining control of their trade routes to Chiapas
and Guatemala. After a series of long and arduous battles, the
forces of the Aztec Emperor Moctezuma Ilhuicamina triumphed over
the Mixtecs in 1458. In 1486, the Aztecs established a fort on the
hill of Huaxyácac (now called El Fortín), overlooking the present
city of Oaxaca. This location would become the seat of an Aztec
garrison that enforced tribute collection from the Mixtecs and
Zapotecs.
The ascendancy of the Aztecs in Oaxaca would last a little more
than a few decades. In 1521, as the Zapotecs, Mixtecs and other
vassals of the Aztecs worked the fields and paid tribute to their
distant rulers, news arrived that strange invaders with beards and
unusual weapons had arrived from the eastern sea. As word spread
throughout Mesoamerica, many indigenous groups thought that the
arrival of these strangers might be the fulfillment of ancient
prophesies predicting the downfall of the Aztecs.
Then, in August 1521, came the news that the Aztec capital of
Tenochtitlán had fallen to a combined force of Spanish and Indian
soldiers under the command of a white-skinned, red-haired man
named Hernán Cortés. Word of this conquest spread quickly, causing
the inhabitants over a large area to speculate on what was to come
next.
When the Zapotec leaders heard that the powerful Aztec Empire had
been overcome by the strangers from the Gulf of Mexico, they
decided to send a delegation to seek an alliance with this new
powerful force. Intrigued by this offer, Hernán Cortés promptly
sent representatives to consider their offer.
When the powerful Aztecs were overcome, the Zapotecs sent
delegations seeking alliances with the Spaniards. Cortés promptly
sent Pedro de Alvarado and Gonzalo de Sandoval to the Pacific and
into the Sierra looking for gold. Pedro de Alvarado (1486-1541)
explored the Oaxaca region in search of the source of the Aztec
gold and find a waterway to the Pacific Ocean. He didn't find a
waterway but reported some good locations for ports.
On November 25, 1521, Francisco de Orozco arrived in the Central
Valley with a force of 400 Aztecs to take possession in the name
of Cortés. A wide alluvial plain of about 700 square kilometers,
the Valley of Oaxaca had a native population of about 350,000 at
this time. Soon, both the Zapotec and Mixtec caciques of the
Oaxaca Valley submitted to Orozco. Thus, writes the historian
William B. Taylor, “Peaceful conquest spared the Valley of Oaxaca
the loss of life and the grave social and psychological
dislocations experienced by the Aztecs in the Valley of Mexico.”
Francisco de Orozco did meet with some resistance in Antequera,
but by the end of 1521, his forces had subdued the indigenous
resistance. Cortés friends' Pedro de Alvarado and Gonzalo de
Sandoval also arrived in Oaxaca to search for gold in the Sierras.
Their reports led Cortés to seek the title of Marqués del Valle of
Oaxaca in 1526, so that he might reserve some of the land's wealth
for his own well-being.
In the course of the next decade, dramatic changes took place in
the Valley. Starting in 1528, Dominican friars established
permanent residence in Antequerea. After the Bishopric of Oaxaca
was formally established in 1535, Catholic priests arrived in
ever-increasing numbers. Armed with a fiery zeal to eradicate
pagan religions, the Catholic missionaries persevered in their
work. Settlers arriving from Spain brought with them domestic
animals that had hitherto never been seen in Oaxaca: horses, cows,
goats, sheep, chickens, mules and oxen.
In the decades following the Spanish encounter, a series of
devastating epidemics wreaked havoc on the native population of
Oaxaca and other parts of Mexico. Before the first century had
ended, some nineteen major epidemics had come and gone. The
exposure of the Oaxacan Indians to smallpox, chicken pox,
diphtheria, influenza, scarlet fever, measles, typhoid, mumps,
influenza, and cocoliztli (a hemorrhagic disease) took a huge
toll. As a result, Ms. Romero has written that the native
population declined from 1.5 million in 1520 to 150,000 people in
1650. But, over time, the population of Oaxaca rebounded. On
February 3, 1824, the state of Oaxaca was founded within the newly
independent Mexican Republic, after 303 years of Spanish rule.
According to the 2000 census, the population of persons five years
and more who spoke indigenous languages in Oaxaca amounted to
1,120,312 individuals, which represented 39.12% of the total
population of the state. Today, the Mixtec Indians are one of the
most important linguistic groups of southern Mexico, occupying an
extensive territory of about 40,000 square kilometers (189
municipios) in western and northern Oaxaca and extending into
Eastern Guerrero and Puebla.
In the 2000 census, the Mixteco Indians in Oaxaca numbered
241,383, or 55.19% of the 437,373 Mixtecos in the entire Mexican
Republic. If you count the various subsidiary Mixtec languages,
the total Mixtec-speaking population of the Mexican Republic in
2000 included 444,498 individuals. Today, the Mixtecs are spread
throughout the entire nation, in large part because of their good
reputation in the agricultural industry. The chart below
illustrates the population of Mixtec speakers in both Oaxaca and
the Mexican Republic.
The Zapotec ethnic group remains the largest indigenous group of
Oaxaca and presently occupies 67 municipios of Oaxaca. The term
Zapotec comprises a great many language varieties, most of which
are identified by the area or towns where they are spoken. In the
2000 census, 377,936 individuals five years of age or more spoke
some kind of Zapoteco language in Oaxaca. This represented 83.45%
of all the Zapotec speakers in the entire Mexican Republic, who
numbered 421,796. Like their Mixtec brothers, the Zapotecs have
migrated to many parts of the country.
Increasingly, large numbers of Zapotecs and Mixtecs are travelling
to locations throughout the Mexican Republic and the United States
to secure gainful employment. Zapotecs and Mixtecs, in fact, are
favored laborers in the two Baja states. In the 2000 census, the
two largest linguistic groups in Baja California Norte were the
Mixtecos (11,962 speakers) and the Zapotecos (2,987 speakers). In
the 2000 census, 41,014 persons in Baja California claimed Oaxaca
as their birthplace.
Already, in the 1970s, Baja had become a major zone of attraction
for Mixtec farm laborers, with Ensenada and Tijuana as the primary
destinations. In the last two decades, Baja California growers
almost exclusively recruited Oaxacans laborers for their
agricultural labor needs.
Indigenous speakers from Oaxaca have also made their way to the
United States in large numbers. It is believed that in the last 20
years, more than 100,000 Zapotecs and Mixtecs have immigrated to
the United States. According to the researcher Sarah Poole, it has
been estimated that by the year 2010, Mixtecs and Zapotecs will
comprise 20% of the agricultural labor force in the United States,
in particular California.
Wherever they go, Mixtec and Zapotec laborers are usually regarded
as newcomers. But, these two peoples have endured a long cultural
journey, stretching back several thousand years. The Mixtecs and
Zapotecs, in fact, built successful civilizations long before the
Aztecs came into prominence. They are, without a doubt, enduring
cultures.
__________________________________________________
Copyright © 2006, by John P. Schmal. All Rights Reserved.
- John P. Schmal is the coauthor of "Mexican-American
Genealogical Research: Following the Paper Trail to Mexico."
(Heritage Books). He is presently writing a book about Latino
political representation.
- Copyright © 2006 by John P. Schmal. All Rights Reserved.
- Source: John P. Schmal and Donna S. Morales,
Mexican-American Genealogical Research: Following the Paper Trail to
Mexico (Heritage Books, 2002).
- ___________________________________________________________
- Contact John P. Schmal at:
JohnnyPJ@aol.com
-
John Schmal was born and raised in Los Angeles, California. He
attended Loyola-Marymount University in Los Angeles and St. Cloud State
University in Minnesota, where he studied Geography, History and Earth
Sciences and received two BA degrees. Mr. Schmal has been a
life-long history buff and is also a skilled genealogist. His
genealogical specialties including tracing lineages in Mexico, Puerto
Rico, and the Southwestern U.S.A. He is the coauthor of
"Mexican-American Genealogical Research: Following the Paper Trail to
Mexico" (Heritage Books, 2002). He has also coauthored three other
books on Mexican-American themes, all of them published by Heritage
Books in Maryland. He is an Associate Editor of
www.somosprimos.com and a board member of the Society of Hispanic
Historical and Ancestral Research (SHHAR). Presently, in addition to
writing weekly columns for HispanicVista.com (www.hispanicvista.com),
he is writing a book on the indigenous peoples of Mexico and on the
ports of entry along the Mexican-US border. Mr. Schmal has a
passionate love of Mexican history and has been writing short histories
of each state, which are being compiled at the following link:
http://www.houstonculture.org/mexico/states.html
-
|