By Raj Jayadev
New America Media
Dec 28, 2005
Editor's Note: When a jury found a state drug
agent not guilty of shooting a Latino man in the back, the city was
outraged -- but didn't riot. Multi-ethnic organizing, the writer says,
kept the focus on a growing, successful movement toward police
accountability.
SAN JOSE, Calif.-- Last month, this city -- the state's third-largest
and one of its most racially diverse -- had its own Rodney King moment.
A jury found a state drug agent not guilty of fatally shooting a father
of five in the back.
The
Michael Walker case captured headlines and the public's imagination for
over a year and a half, and brimmed with social and racial realities
felt in the city but not acknowledged in its public identity. On Feb.
17, 2004, Rudy Cardenas, a Latino man, was mistaken by agent Walker for
another Latino man of dramatically different height and weight. Many
felt Cardenas was killed by stereotype.
The case was unprecedented in that Walker was the first state agent put
on trial for a shooting death in the history of California, and the
first to be indicted by a grand jury. For the local community, on trial
was not just Michael Walker, but the question of whether law enforcement
could be held accountable in the courts.
Just months before Cardenas was shot, San Jose had witnessed another
high profile shooting case in which an officer was cleared of
misconduct. Cau Tran, a 25-year-old Vietnamese woman was shot dead by
police in her kitchen in the city's downtown. With an average of six
police-involved shootings per year, San Jose has one of the highest
rates of shootings by law enforcement in proportion to its generally low
rate of overall homicide (around 20 per year).
For the past five years, in fact, San Jose has been named the "Safest
City in America" by a national annual study that uses FBI crime
statistics. The underlying fear of many community members is that police
abuse is tolerated and viewed as necessary to maintain the city's safe
image.
If the Walker trial outcome was San Jose's Rodney King moment, why was
there no major civil unrest as there was in Los Angeles in 1992? All the
explosive ingredients were there. The trial was closely followed not
only by Latinos, but by every ethnicity in San Jose, including more
recently arrived immigrant communities. In fact, a multi-ethnic
community coalition made up of Bay Area families who had lost loved ones
due to police violence formed in support of the Cardenas family. Part
organizing collective and part support group, it was Latino, Asian,
Black, White, immigrant and non-immigrant.
Ironically, the multi-ethnic nature of the movement may have diffused
any impulse to riot. Justice for Rudy would, in some way, be justice for
Cau Tran, the Vietnamese woman killed in her kitchen the year prior; for
Ziam Bojcic, a Bosnian refugee killed in front of a Starbucks; for Eric
Kleemeyer, a white man shot in front of his mother's house in Santa
Clara; for Johnny Nakao, a Japanese and Caucasian man killed in front of
a Radio Shack; and for Cameron Boyd, an African-American man killed in
San Francisco whose mother attended San Jose vigils. The despair that
ignited Los Angeles was replaced here by an understanding and
hopefulness that change could be brought about by coordinated community
effort.
Furthermore, the victims' families themselves have provided clear moral
leadership. In fact, the multi-ethnic, family-centered coalition that
developed around the Walker case has forever changed the police
accountability movement in several ways:
1) People now know it is possible for the community to influence the
court system. Pressure from the families and their supporters brought
about only the third open grand jury in Santa Clara County history,
allowing the public and the media to uncover more facts surrounding the
case long after the shooting.
2) Organizing efforts around police accountability are no longer limited
to the ethnicity of the victim. When Cau Tran was killed by police in
her kitchen, her death was viewed mainly as a Vietnamese issue, and
mainly Vietnamese showed up at rallies, court dates and vigils. By the
time Rudy Cardenas was killed, Latino, black, Vietnamese and white
community members had a stake in the fight. The Justice for Rudy
struggle could not be pegged as a "Latino issue," allowing the movement
to build from the Bay Area’s diversity, rather than be fractured by it.
3) Families of victims can conduct their own investigations. Michael
Walker was an agent with the Bureau of Narcotics, which is supervised by
the Department of Justice. But the Cardenas family discovered he is also
part of the Central Coast Gang Investigators Association, an independent
association where officers who do "gang suppression" exchange
information and strategy. The Cardenas' found out that even after his
indictment, Walker and other officers involved in the case were
organizing CCGIA conferences and trainings for other officers. The
public or the media are not allowed to these conferences. The families
protested and effectively disrupted such a conference held in San Jose.
Local media covered the protests, bringing into public debate the
quality, content and range of the trainings that officers use out on the
streets.
The movement for police accountability in San Jose is growing. Each new
family victimized by police violence can build upon the lessons learned
by their predecessors. The Walker case, though it did not result in a
guilty verdict, got closer to justice than all the recent cases of
police shootings. Now, the next time someone is unjustly killed by
police in California, it will be that much more likely that the officer
will be convicted.
PNS contributor Raj Jayadev is editor of
Silicon Valley De-Bug, the voice of young workers, writers and
artists in Silicon Valley and a PNS project.
http://news.newamericamedia.org/news/view_article.html?article_id=77d6a18ab9522d742714fdea36850680