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- By Louis Nevaer
- New America Media, News Analysis
- Jan 04, 2007
As Felipe Calderon, Mexico's new president, sets his agenda for 2007, he
will have to succeed where his predecessor Vicente Fox failed: creating
greater opportunities for Mexicans by breaking the rapacious monopolies
that flourished during Nafta's first decade, and stopping the brain drain
that is a result of it.
To be sure, Mexico has made a remarkable transformation during the past
quarter century, evolving from a country with a closed economy and
political system, to a viable democracy, with a stable currency and
consistent, if lackluster, economic growth and capital formation that
ranks it as one of the world's top 15 economies.
In 1994, Mexico began its economic integration with the United States and
Canada with the North American Free-Trade Agreement, or Nafta. In 2000,
Vicente Fox was elected president, and ended the monopoly on power that
the Institutional Revolutionary Party, or PRI, enjoyed. In 2006, Mexicans
living abroad, primarily in the United States and Canada, sent an
astonishing $20 billion to their home country. These remittances became
the largest source of foreign revenues, fueling the nation's trade surplus
-- with so many dollars coming in, the peso remains a strong and stable
currency.
In its assessment of which emerging nations would dominate the global
economy, Goldman Sachs declared that by mid-century, "only Mexico and
perhaps Korea have the potential to rival the BRICs [Brazil, Russia, India
and China]. Mexico's favorable demographics and scope to catch up place it
among the BRICs in terms of economic size by 2050."
Under Fox, Mexico's educational system improved greatly, and Nafta money
provided educational opportunities for Mexican students abroad. But the
paradox is that as Mexicans become better educated, or more study abroad,
many are courted by foreign companies. Australia, for example, is so
desperate for certain professionals, such as accountants and nurses, that
they will "sponsor" Mexican professionals for one- year, paying their
expenses in the hopes that during that time they will decide to remain in
Australia.
Canadian universities sent recruiters to the top private Mexican colleges
in a campaign to lure full-tuition paying students to Canada's top
schools. Japan, which depends on Mexico for fully a third of all its
organic produce, sponsors fairs to lure Mexican agricultural
professionals; Ireland sponsors job fairs for Mexican professionals, where
proficiency in English is seen as the only obstacle to landing a job.
"The 'brain drain' continues," Judith Zubieta Garcia, of the Autonomous
National University of Mexico, said last week, when a report documenting
the problem was issued. Scores of thousands of Mexican professionals and
graduate degree holders emigrated in 2005 and 2006, according to the
report. The four principle beneficiary nations identified were the United
States, Canada, France and Germany. The report further warned that this
continuing "emigration of intellectual capital" threatens Mexico's
prospects for economic development.
The exodus of Mexican professionals accelerated during the last two years
of Vicente Fox's administration, when employment opportunities for
professionals stagnated. (The last time Mexico experienced a similar brain
drain was in 1982-1986, when, after the devaluation of the peso under Jose
Lopez Portillo, the economy went into a free-fall and many middle class
Mexican families moved to the United States, Canada and Spain.)
This is a result of the failure of the government to foster greater
competition in the marketplace.
"Public and private monopolies dominate the country," Jorge G. Castaņeda,
a former foreign minister and a professor of politics and Latin American
studies at New York University, complained in December 2006, when Calderon
took office. "The oil (Pemex) and electric power (Federal Electricity
Commission) firms owned by the state are untainted by competition; the
private virtual monopolies in telecommunications (Telmex), television
networks (Televisa), cement (Cemex), bread and tortilla manufacturing
(Bimbo and Maseca, respectively) and banking (Banamex/Citigroup and
Bancomer/Banco de Bilbao) face only tepid competition at home, thanks to
their cozy relationship with the state. Prices, supply, service and
quality suffer as a consequence, and today these monopolies are stronger
than ever."
These state-owned or state-protected monopolies may have been necessary in
the mid-1990s, when Mexican companies faced strong competition from U.S.
competitors entering Mexico after Nafta was implemented, but many Mexican
companies are now strong enough that they are not only defending their
market share at home, but aggressively expanding into the United States.
From baking to electronics, cement to automotives, Mexican firms are
viable competitors. (This may at first not be obvious to U.S. consumers,
since Mexican companies often use "American"-sounding names when they
enter the U.S. market. Bimbo bakes bread under the brands "Wonder Bread,"
"Oroweat" and "Thomas' English Muffins"; Mexico's leading consumer
electronics brand retailer in the U.S. is "CompUSA"; Cemex has acquired
scores of U.S. cement producers without changing their names, simply to be
discreet.)
As a result, "Corporate Mexico" is characterized by large conglomerates
where protected and privileged businessmen block innovation, undermine
competition and keep salaries for professionals low.
"Calderon needs to prove that market-led reforms and democracy can work
for the vast majority of Mexicans, because on the streets, Andres Manuel
Lopez Obrador and his combative social movement will be shouting that they
don't," Denise Dresser, a political analyst, argued. "Calderon needs to
show that he is committed to leading Mexico down the path that successful
countries such as Chile, Ireland, South Korea and Spain tread today -
countries that made dual decisions to grow and share, compete and educate,
create wealth and distribute it better."
It can be done. Other emerging nations also faced brain drains - India and
South Africa come to mind. Many Indian professionals, fluent in English,
chose to remain in the United States or the United Kingdom after they
completed their graduate studies, as did many South Africans. However,
both India and South Africa have made significant strides in luring their
professionals back; India is now a regional economic powerhouse, and South
Africa has emerged as Africa's most dynamic economy.
Ending the privileges enjoyed by the masters of Corporate Mexico is a
daunting task. The sense of entitlement conferred on the state-sanctioned
monopolies are the last vestiges of the ancient regime imposed by the PRI.
It is not enough that Mexicans abroad sent money back, Calderon must
understand: Mexico must be able to make use of its intellectual capital as
well.
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- Louis E. V. Nevaer, is author of the forthcoming book, "HR and the
New Hispanic Workforce."
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