Law
Enforcement/Security News
Sushi, Sensimilla and
Slaughter
Frontera NorteSur
January 24, 2008
Saulo Reyes Gamboa was apparently a very busy
man. The border entrepreneur owned Ciudad Juarez's Silver Streak
hamburger franchise, Japanese eateries, Subway sandwich outlets, a
shoe business and the Epicentro radio station, among other
enterprises. According to the US Immigration and Customs Enforcement
agency (ICE), the 36-year-old Reyes was also an exporter of
intoxicating products. In a January 16 sting, US federal agents
arrested Reyes in El Paso on charges of bribing an ICE undercover
agent masquerading as a border inspector to allow pot into the
United States.
In a region where some locals say that every family has at least one
member in "the business," Reyes' arrest might have gone down as just
another entry into the police blotter. But Reyes has another feather
in his cap that's making his bust a top news story: he is a former
Ciudad Juarez police chief.
First serving as an administrative commander in the Ciudad Juarez
municipal police department during 1998-2001, Reyes, who is a public
accountant, reemerged on the city police force when he was appointed
operational commander early last year by the administration of
former Mayor Hector "Teto" Murguia. Besides working as a police
official, Reyes had racked up public sector experience as a
financial administrator for alternating state and municipal
governments that were dominated by either the PAN or PRI political
parties.
Reyes’ Kinsui restaurant branch on the busy Paseo del Triunfo de la
Republica thoroughfare was the scene of the notorious 1997 murder of
Jose Loya Lopez, a man with police and political connections, during
business hours.
Alerted to Reye's arrest, Ciudad Juarez reporters pressed former
Mayor Murguia about his appointment of the suspected drug dealer to
a high law enforcement position. Expressing surprise, Murguia
insisted that his administration was always committed to the “firm
combat of drug trafficking.”
Murguia ignited a controversy when he declared that Reyes had been
named to the police post because of a recommendation by Ciudad
Juarez's influential Coparmex employers'organization.
"(Reyes) was a successful businessman,he was a businessman with many
enterprises," Murguia said, "a man with a master's degree who was
participating in various business organizations."
Murguia denied receiving even a "nickel" from Reyes for the former
mayor's successful 2004 election campaign, and he professed no
knowledge about reports that Reyes’ myriad businesses benefited from
city contracts during his administration which ended last October.
Local Coparmex head Ernesto Anaya quickly refuted Murguia’s
statements about the business organization’s role in the return of
Reyes to law enforcement. Last weekend, Coparmex published a large,
attention-grabbing statement in Ciudad Juarez newspapers that
disassociated the organization from Reyes’ appointment.
"We categorically reject that we would have influenced such a
decision," Coparmex declared, "since it is public knowledge that the
appointment of top and middle level public officials is made
directly by the municipal president."
Coparmex acknowledged that Reyes had been a member of the group
until August 2007
Reyes'arrest inspired fiery comments by Ciudad Juarez business
leaders, elected officials and citizen activists, and it rekindled
debate about the nature of the relationships between organized
crime, politicians, policemen, business and the media in the
borderlands.
Andres de Anda Martinez, a state legislator for the PAN, said he
would prod the Chihuahua state legislature to demand a state and
federal investigation of the links between Reyes and Murguia.
"(Reyes) participation says that he left an agency in the hands of
organized crime," De Anda contended. On January 23, several PAN
legislators held a demonstration in the Chihuahua State Congress in
support of an investigation. But Jorge Gutierrez, a PRI legislator,
defended Reyes’ record as ”impeccable” during the suspected drug
dealer's stint as a police official.
Questions arose about the relationship between Reyes and his former
boss, Marco Antonio Torres, who worked as communications director
for Mayor Murguia before being appointed as public safety secretary
last year. Both Torres and Reyes have an interest in the Epicentro
radio station. According to one report, Reyes attended a ceremony
last year where the US-based National Crime Insurance Bureau honored
the crime-fighting efforts of the Murguia/Torres administration.
Reportedly, last April's event was attended by numerous US police
officials including representatives from the El Paso Police
Department, UTEP police, Albuquerque Police Department, Bernalillo
(New Mexico) County Sheriff's Department and, ironically, the
Department of Homeland Security.
Reyes, of course, is innocent until proven guilty. Jailed without
bond, he is next scheduled to attend court on Monday, January 28. A
young woman linked to Reyes, 27-year-old Karina Tarango, is also in
hot water with the law. Tarango was arrested last week at a home in
Horizon City, Texas, outside El Paso allegedly with almost a
half-ton of marijuana in her possession. An El Paso judge ordered
Tarango confined to house arrest. Both Reyes and Tarango are staring
at up to 40 years in prison if convicted of marijuana possession and
conspiracy. In Mexico, the Office of the Federal Attorney General
has initiated a preliminary investigation of Reyes for illicit
enrichment and criminal association.
A Turbulent Year with the Boys in Blue
In January 2007, Reyes assumed his new policing responsibilities as
internal strife and scandal simmered and boiled in the department.
Worse yet, more than a few officers were implicated in extortion,
rape, murder and other crimes. Members of his Reyes’ department, for
instance, were accused of the fatal shooting of 16-year-old Raul
Lara in the back, and of allowing the "escape" of a suspect from a
police station who was later found handcuffed and dead in an
irrigation ditch.
Prostitutes and transvestites who work downtown Ciudad Juarez’s
streets repeatedly accused policemen of shaking them down in return
for allowing the sex workers to continue luring clients. In 2007,
the official Chihuahua State Human Rights Commission accepted 46
complaints against members of the Ciudad Juarez Municipal Police
Department for various, alleged abuses.
In separate ases, six officers were charged with domestic violence
and sex crimes, including the sexual abuse of two 12-year-old
girls. In yet another case, an 18-year-old woman complained that two
men wearing Ciudad Juarez municipal police garb and driving a truck
resembling a police vehicle raped and severely beat her on an
isolated property, leaving the victim for dead. Then there were the
five officers accused of fabricating a scapegoat in last April's
murder of Monserrat Morales Arellenes in order to protect an alleged
drug dealer. Blamed on a dispute over a dead dog, the Morales murder
led to a confrontation between the Chihuahua Office of the State
Attorney General (PGJE) and city policemen who tried to prevent the
arrests of their brethren.
What’s more, local policemen were suspected in the murders of two
young women, Samantha Elizabeth Martinez Gutierrez and Blanca
Guadalupe Sanchez Villalobos, whose naked bodies were dumped on
public streets in the Insurgentes neighborhood during May and June
of last year. Assigned to investigate the case, a PGJE investigator
charged that municipal policemen attempted to kidnap her. Long-time
women's activist Vicky Caraveo, a former director the Chihuahua
State Women's Institute, said the Insurgentes murders weren’t
surprising.
"The accusation by the state attorney general against municipal
police isn't anything new," Caraveo said , “because the mothers of (femicide)
victims have always said so, and they have been ignored."
Prior to leaving office last October, public safety head Torres
acknowledged that organized crime had infiltrated the police
department. Individual officers were widely suspected of protecting
as many as 1,000"picaderos," or illegal drug outlets, in the city.
Last summer, Torres claimed that hooded and heavily-armed persons
disarmed his bodyguards and threatened him in a restaurant while he
was dining.
Efecto Saulo?
In Ciudad Juarez, meanwhile, the local press is speculating on a
possible "Saulo Effect" related to Reyes' arrest. On January 20 and
21, roving gunmen shot to death two municipal police commanders.
Additionally, three men were reported kidnapped by armed commandoes
on January 21. On the evening of the same day, an important
commander for the Chihuahua State Investigations Agency, Fernando
Lozano, was critically wounded by gunfire. Lozano is a
brother-in-law of Sergio Belmonte, the press spokesman for the
current Juarez city government.
In a development that revealed the gravity of the situation
unfolding in Ciudad Juarez, Lozano was moved across the border
January 22 to El Paso’s Thomason Hospital, where he was guarded by
heavily-armed US local and federal police. On more than one occasion
in the past, assassins have stormed Mexican hospitals to complete an
unfinished job.
Fifteen police officers from different agencies have been slain in
Ciudad Juarez since January 2007. After the most recent shootings,
Mexican soldiers in Hummers were reported patrolling and searching a
central Ciudad Juarez neighborhood.
Reyes's arrest was the second major law enforcement action this
month against alleged organized crime elements in the borderlands.
In El Paso, the FBI and other police agencies arrested several
reputed leaders of the Barrio Azteca gang, an organization with
members in both the US and Mexico. Previous press accounts have
linked Chihuahua state cops and Ciudad Juarez policemen to the gang.
It is not yet clear whether this week's attacks against police in
Ciudad Juarez have anything to do with either the Reyes or Barrio
Azteca cases. An unconfirmed version attributes the upsurge in
violence to an attempt by followers of Joaquin “El Chapo” Guzman to
conquer the Ciudad Juarez drug “plaza.” According to one account,
narco-corridos in honor of the Sinaloa drug kingpin have been
transmitted on local police radio frequencies in recent days. In
other Mexican cities like Nuevo Laredo, similar clandestine deejay
broadcasts have signaled war.
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Sources:
El Paso Times, January 11, 18, 22, 23, 2008. Articles by Daniel
Borunda, Louie Gilot and editorial staff. l Diario de El Paso,
January 18 and 19, 2008. Articles by Lorena
Figueroa, Horacio Carrasco and Luz del Carmen Sosa.
Lapolaka.com, March 9 and 11, 2007; April 13, 2007; July 20, 2007;
January 20, 21, 22, 23 2008. Frontenet.com, April 12 and 17, 2008.
October 9, 2007; January 22, 2008. Norte, July 13, 2007; January 18,
19 and 22, 2008. Articles by Jorge Chairez
Daniel, Luis Carlos Ortega, Carlos Huerta, Antonio Rebolledo,
Francisco Lujan, A. Chacon, and Felix A. Gonzalez. El
Universal, April 11 and August 22, 2007. Articles by Luis Carlos
Cano and the Notimex news agency. La Jornada, July 12, 2007;
September 4 and 6, 2007; January 20, 2008. Articles by Ruben
Villalpando and the AFP news agency. El Diario de Juarez, April 17,
19 and 21, 2007; July 12 and 27, 2007; September 5 and 18, 2007;
October 16, 2007; January 17, 20, 21, 23, 2008.
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