- Can Congress repeal birthright
citizenship?
- By James C. Ho
- Los Angeles Time/Opinion
March 10, 2007
-
- GENERATIONS OF Americans have understood that children born in the
United States are entitled to U.S. citizenship, regardless of the
nationality of their parents. When Congress revisits immigration reform
this spring, however, legislation to repeal this historic rule is
expected to play a central role in the debate.
Many Americans are angry about illegal immigration and believe
birthright citizenship encourages it. Unsurprisingly, then, the idea of
eliminating automatic citizenship for the children of lawful and
unlawful aliens has gained remarkable traction around the country.
A resolution moving through the Georgia Legislature urges Congress to
take such action. A coalition of conservative activists has proposed a
grand immigration compromise: amnesty for illegal immigrants with
relatives here now, but no birthright citizenship in the future. Texas
lawmakers are even weighing legislation that would attack birthright
citizenship indirectly by denying state and local government services to
so-called "anchor babies" — children born in the U.S. to illegal
immigrants.
In recent years, this effort has been bolstered by court briefs and
congressional testimony from legal scholars. Even Richard Posner, the
distinguished federal appellate judge, wrote in a judicial opinion that
Congress can, and should, repeal birthright citizenship.
The breadth of support is surprising because the proposed legislation is
plainly unconstitutional. Birthright citizenship is a constitutional
right, no less for the children of undocumented persons than for
descendants of passengers of the Mayflower.
The first sentence of the 14th Amendment, ratified in 1868, puts it
plainly: "All persons born or naturalized in the United States and
subject to the jurisdiction thereof, are citizens of the United States."
The primary purpose of this provision was to reverse the U.S. Supreme
Court's infamous Dred Scott decision, which denied citizenship to
U.S.-born people of African descent. But the amendment was drafted
broadly to guarantee citizenship to virtually everyone born in the
United States.
California Rep. Dan Lungren (R-Gold River) and other proponents of
ending birthright citizenship claim that aliens — lawful and unlawful —
are not "subject to the jurisdiction" of the U.S. because they swear no
allegiance to the United States. But neither the text nor the history of
the 14th Amendment supports this conclusion.
When a person is "subject to the jurisdiction" of a court of law, that
person is required to obey the orders of that court. The meaning of the
phrase is simple: One is "subject to the jurisdiction" of another
whenever one is obliged to obey the laws of another. The test is
obedience, not allegiance.
The "jurisdiction" requirement excludes only those who are not required
to obey U.S. law. This concept, like much of early U.S. law, derives
from English common law. Under common law, foreign diplomats and enemy
soldiers are not legally obliged to obey our law, and thus their
offspring are not entitled to citizenship at birth. The 14th Amendment
merely codified this common law doctrine.
Members of the 39th Congress debated the wisdom of guaranteeing
birthright citizenship — but no one disputed the amendment's meaning.
Opponents conceded — indeed, warned — that it would grant citizenship to
the children of those who "owe [the U.S.] no allegiance." Amendment
supporters agreed that only members of Indian tribes, ambassadors,
foreign ministers and others not "subject to our laws" would fall
outside the amendment's reach.
The U.S. Supreme Court long has taken the same view. In 1898, the court
held in United States vs. Wong Kim Ark that the U.S.-born child of
Chinese immigrants was constitutionally entitled to citizenship, noting
that the "14th Amendment affirms the ancient and fundamental rule of
citizenship by birth within the territory . . . including all children
here born of resident aliens."
The court has reiterated this view in subsequent decisions. In Plyler
vs. Doe (1982), the majority concluded, and the dissent agreed, that
birthright citizenship under the 14th Amendment extends to anyone "who
is subject to the laws of a state," including the U.S.-born children of
illegal aliens. And in INS vs. Rios-Pineda (1985), a unanimous court
agreed that a child born to an undocumented immigrant was in fact a
citizen of the United States.
Although the Constitution seems clear, Democrats in Congress might
nevertheless be persuaded to repeal birthright citizenship as a
bipartisan compromise to secure passage of a comprehensive immigration
reform bill — in the hope that the provision would simply be struck down
in court. Perhaps that explains why Senate Democrats quizzed Samuel A.
Alito Jr. about the issue during his confirmation hearings. Stay tuned:
Dred Scott II could be coming soon to a federal court near you.
- _____________________________________
- James C. Ho, an appellate and constitutional litigator, was formerly
a law clerk to Justice Clarence Thomas.
Los Angeles Times Opinion article at:
http://www.latimes.com/news/opinion/la-oe-ho10mar10,0,3404370.story?
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