From the New York Times
http://www.nytimes.com/2001/05/06/world/06MEXI.html
May 6, 2001
At Home, Mexico Mistreats
Its Migrant Farmhands
By GINGER THOMPSON, The New
York Times
VILLA JUÁREZ, Mexico
If Patricio Gómez had left his country to work
illegally on farms in the United States, Mexico's
new president would call him a national hero and
insist that he enjoy decent working conditions.
But instead Mr. Gómez provides food for American
grocery shelves from this side of the border, and
the Mexican government has not paid the same
attention to his plight.
"No one defends
us," Mr. Gómez, 33, said while hauling
wooden stakes taller than himself to a field of
sweet red peppers on a farm near here in the
western state of Sinaloa. "They do not pay
us what they promised. And if we are sick, they
do not give us the medicine we need."
By noon on a recent day, Mr.
Gómez, as haggard as a scarecrow, had been at
work seven hours. He expected to work until
sunset for a little more than $5 for the day. His
barefoot children ages 8, 10 and 11
worked at his side.
Asked whether they attended
school, Mr. Gómez lowered his eyes and shook his
head to signify no. Each one was an important
breadwinner, he said. And the $1,500 the Gómez
family hoped to take home at the end of the
harvest was just about all the money the family
would have for the year. "If the whole
family does not work," Mr. Gómez lamented,
"we all starve."
Like birds that follow
migratory patterns set by the seasons, Mr. Gómez
and his family are among the one million Mexicans
who abandon their homes for part of the year to
move north with the harvests.
President Vicente Fox has
been an outspoken advocate of Mexican laborers in
the United States, pressing Washington to improve
their working conditions. But in his five months
in office, he has not devoted a speech to the
cares of migrant workers at home. And after his
election it was discovered that children as young
as 11 worked at the Fox family's own plants
packing vegetables.
From November until May, tens of thousands of
migrants circle the Gulf Coast states to cut
sugar cane and pick oranges and cotton. Others
fan out across Mexico's heartland to pack
cauliflower and broccoli and tobacco. And in the
nation's largest migrations, hundreds of
thousands migrate along routes that cut a long
figure eight along Mexico's Pacific northwest to
harvest millions of boxes of fruit and
vegetables, most of it for export to the United
States.
About 200,000 people settle
in nearly 150 work camps across Sinaloa, arriving
on fleets of buses sent by the growers. The
migrants the poorest of Mexico's 40
million poor are called jornaleros
(hor-nah-LAY- ros), a name derived from the
Spanish word for a day's wage. And their lives
look like a twisted reflection in a carnival
mirror of the experiences of unskilled Mexican
workers in the United States.
They do not leave their
homes because they are looking for better wages;
they leave because they are looking for any
wages. Many of these internal migrants earn
nothing at all at home there are no paying
jobs around and survive only on the beans
and corn that they manage to grow on little plots
outside their tumbledown houses.
They do not travel in gangs
of single men, but mostly as families or entire
communities. Almost 40 percent are Indians who do
not speak Spanish well.
And although their work has
made Sinaloa the largest producer of vegetables
in the nation, for the months that they are here
they live as outcasts in ramshackle work camps
made from tin. Half are women and girls, farm
worker advocates report, and at least 30 percent
are children under 15.
President Fox has created a
new cabinet-level agency to work on issues of
Mexicans abroad. He has pressed President Bush to
open the border to a freer flow of Mexican
workers. Members of Mr. Fox's cabinet are
involved in negotiations with Washington over the
creation of programs to give the Mexican workers
more power to demand fair wages and decent living
conditions.
And in a May Day celebration
last Tuesday, Mr. Fox honored as
"heroes" those Mexicans who had been
forced by economic hardships to pursue a better
way of life north of the border and who send
nearly $8 billion of earnings back to their
homeland.
But Mr. Fox, the son of
ranchers, has not devoted any significant
political capital to the abuses against migrants
who labor on Mexican soil. And when Mexican
reporters discovered that children had been
employed in packing plants owned by his family, a
violation of Mexican law, the president sought
first to distance himself from the matter,
saying: "This is not an issue for me. It is
an issue for others whose names are Fox."
Later, Mr. Fox's family dismissed more than 20
minors from the operations and the president
acknowledged the violations as a sad reality of
Mexican life.
"This is an issue for
all of Mexico," he said. "It is an
issue we want to resolve."
Without his usual fanfare,
Mr. Fox went on to increase spending for the
single federal program aimed at building housing,
schools and day- care centers for migrant farm
workers by 25 percent. But five months after his
budget was approved by Congress, officials said,
money for the project is still being held up as
officials decide how it should be used.
Mexico's minister of social
development, Josefina Vásquez Mota, said that
the Fox administration had increased spending on
migrant farm worker programs more than on any
other of the agency's programs. And when asked
about labor violations, especially the use of
child workers, she said corruption continued in
all sectors of Mexican society. She added,
"The lack of respect for the law in the
countryside hurts the most vulnerable people in
our country."
"We not only recognize
the grave inequalities that are endured by the
jornaleros, we are worried about them," she
said. "And we are determined to make
improvements."
Ms. Vásquez said that in an
effort to create jobs in the south, President Fox
had promised to lure border plants away from the
industrial north and to offer micro-loans so that
peasant farmers could start small businesses at
home.
The government has also
spent $52 million in the last five years to
improve worker camps. In Sinaloa, officials said,
some 20 percent of them are in "decent
condition."
But all sides agree
government officials, growers and farm worker
advocates that the overwhelming majority
of Mexican farm workers endure dangerous and
unsanitary conditions.
"I know that conditions
for Mexican workers in the United States are
bad," said Hubert C. de Grammont, a
sociologist who has studied Mexican agriculture
and the plight of migrant farm workers for more
than 20 years. "But it is difficult to try
to defend the human rights of migrants in the
United States when migrants are ignored and
disrespected in our own country."
Camp Caimanes near this town seems a microcosm of
Mexico's dark side, a shantytown of 2,000 people
at the edge of a field of tomatoes where
residents take relief from the heat in the
brown-green water of a canal; where children,
exhausted after a day at work in the fields,
never protest bedtime; and where drug abuse has
increasingly become the most popular form of
recreation.
The workers live in long,
flat barracks with primitive cement hearths out
front for cooking. Each family gets one room,
about the size of a garage, and many families
come with a dozen relatives each.
Fresh out of college,
22-year-old Viviana Parra Flores is one of two
social workers assigned to worker problems. But
during a walk around the camp with her and a
colleague, they made clear that the camp often
escaped their control. After leaving the
fly-infested day-care center, the counselors said
that four children had died during the harvest.
Only the night before, a
fire had destroyed some hovels at the camp. No
one was injured, the social workers said. But
most of the workers who had lived there, about 20
families, lost everything, down to every cent
they had earned for the season.
Ruperta Tolentino
Fernández, her long braids matted with mud, said
her family lost about $1,000. She and her husband
have five children, ranging in age from 3 to 14.
All but the 3-year-old work, she said.
"Now we will be beggars
when we go home," she said.
Sinaloa's governor, Juan S.
Millán, said: "Just a couple of years ago,
there were only a few camps where I could take
visitors without feeling ashamed. Today, there
are a few more decent camps. But there is so much
more that needs to be done."
In Sinaloa, agriculture is a
$600 million industry controlled by an elite
group of fewer than 20 families, said María
Teresa Guerra, a human rights lawyer who has
written a book about the state's farm workers.
Sinaloa is the largest producer of vegetables in
the nation thanks to its 11 rivers and a
sprawling system of government-built dams and
canals.
One grower, Roberto Gotsis,
took a visitor on a tour of a camp he had just
built for 200 of his company's 1,000 workers. His
family, he said, had been growing cucumbers,
tomatoes and red peppers in Sinaloa since the
1920's.
Mr. Gotsis, who has a degree
from the University of Arizona, estimated that
the company sold tomatoes in the United States
for almost $7 a box. Peppers, he said, fetch
about $15 a box. As for his workers, he added,
they earn about a nickel for each box they
filled.
On a tour of the day-care
center he had built in the new camp, the 36-
year-old Mr. Gotsis proclaimed the arrival to
power of a "new generation" of growers
who "understand that our workers must live
better."
Lorenzo Pérez, who spent
the season at another camp, Penjamo, was pretty
happy with life one recent Saturday. He had made
about $7 that day, a couple of dollars more than
usual. But what was most exciting, he said, was
that he had finally picked more tomatoes than his
father. "Now I am the fastest cutter in my
family," he gloated.
Diana Ramírez, 14, was
washing jeans in the canal below. She smiled as
Lorenzo bragged and vowed that he would stop
picking tomatoes one day and drive a tractor.
When asked about her own
hopes, Diana's mind cast forward as far as
tomorrow. "Women do not drive
tractors," she said with a shrug. "I
will work in the fields."
Copyright 2001 The New
York Times
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